By Suresh Unnithan

Thiruvananthapuram: May be, for the first time, the state BJP has got its chief from outside the state. Thanks to the worsening bickering within the unit and growing hostility between the rival groups, the Central leadership of the party (Read as Modi-Shah) had to “paradrop” an “outsider” to bring in unity, considering the impending local body elections and upcoming assembly polls, in 2026.
For the newly appointed Kerala BJP chief Rajeev Chandrasekhar, a technocrat turned politician and a former union minister, the going is likely to get tough. “Appointment of Chandrasekhar as party chief in Kerala is nothing short of a political risk, particularly when it (BJP) is struggling to tackle factionalism. Chandrasekhar could be a successful technocrat and an efficient administrator. But that tag is not enough to unite a party muddled in the quagmire of the internal power struggle,” says a senior journalist who is close to the saffron party.
In fact, the central leadership of the party has selected him as state unit head with great expectations. The party leadership hopes, Chandraashekhar could quell the silent rebellion within the party with his political acumen, particularly when the party aims for an impressive electoral show in the local body elections and the assembly polls in 2026. But given the incessant infighting and brazen squabbles within the party, the task at hand could prove tremendously tedious for Chandrasekhar.
As pointed out by a senior political observer who has a soft corner to the BJP, “ Chandresekhar has more challenges from within. He needs to tackle and overcome four prominent groups. Of which the one led by the outgoing president K Surendran could be the most virulent. Surendran is closely linked to the Sangh (RSS) and has considerable clout among the grassroots.”
According toa party insider the factions led by, P.K. Krishnadas, V. Muraleedharan, , and M.T. Ramesh could also “prove detrimental, if Chandrasekhar does not tread cautiously.” For, these leaders have their own loyalists and they have strong and proven support from RSS.
Chandrasekhar, in all probability, would not find it easy to unify the above groups since he is new to the state unit and has no foothold in the party. “He (Chandrasekhar) is seen as an outsider with little allegiance to Sangh Ideology. This could make things difficult for him to deal with the resistance from the above groups and those antagonistic to the idea of an outsider leading the state unit.” There are indications that his predecessor “Surendran’s supporters might resent his replacement, while veterans like Krishnadas and Muraleedharan could see him as an intruder.”
Born in Karnataka and a Rajya Sabha MP from there until recently, Chandrasekhar is viewed by many in the party as a “parachute leader” with limited grassroots ties to Kerala. His Malayalam fluency is reportedly wobbly, and his political career has been more national than local, except the 2024 general election which he contested from Thiruvanathapuram and lost by a thin margin to Congress’s Sashi Tharoor.
“Kerala’s electorate and party workers value leaders with local connections. This perception could alienate cadres and voters, giving ammunition to rivals within and outside the party to question his legitimacy. ”
However, much of the success would depend on his relations with the Sangh Parivar which has over 5000 Sakhas (branches) across the state with over a million active volunteers (swayam sevaks). Their energy, time and resources are ever dedicated to the Sangh. The RSS is the BJP’s ideological and organizational backbone in Kerala. Chandrasekhar lacks a strong Sangh background. His urban, corporate persona contrasts with the RSS’s preference for leaders steeped in its ethos, like Ramesh or Krishna Das. For his success as the state chief Chandrasekhar needed to maintain a close and cordial relation with the Sangh Parivar.
As a senior scribe pointed out, “without RSS baking, he (Chandrasekhar) may not succeed in mobilizing cadres or pushing party agendas. If he fails in the mission, there is every possibility; the Sangh could step in with alternative power centres.”
So, to rise to the expectations of his party bosses in Delhi, Chandrasekhar needs to hurriedly build trust with the rank-and-file of the party. Underperformance on any count could weaken his credibility and fuel internal dissent, especially when the disgruntled rivals within the party are awaiting for the right opportunity to revolt.