By Geetha V P
In the corridors of Indian politics, few figures evoke as much polarized discourse as Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first Prime Minister. Today, as Prime Minister Narendra Modi continues a pattern of attributing contemporary woes to Nehru—most recently accusing him of “fragmenting” the national song Vande Mataram to appease the Muslim League and echoing Jinnah’s sentiments—it’s worth pausing to dissect the narrative. Modi’s barbs, often laced with charges of “appeasement politics” and economic mismanagement, paint Nehru as the architect of division and stagnation. Yet, this selective amnesia ignores the seismic transformations Nehru orchestrated in a fledgling nation scarred by Partition, famine, and colonial plunder. From 1947 to 1964, Nehru didn’t just govern; he built the scaffolding of a self-reliant, secular democracy. His vision—rooted in scientific temper, social justice, and inclusive growth—laid the bedrock for India’s global stature. The nation cannot and should not disregard the sacrifices of the Nehru family and need to gauge the erosion of its institutions under subsequent regimes, particularly the privatization spree during Modi’s tenure.
The Nehru Family’s Unwavering Commitment
Nehru’s contributions were not mere policy strokes but extensions of profound personal renunciation, a thread running through his family’s history. The Nehrus, scions of privilege, transformed their wealth into instruments of national service. Motilal Nehru, a preeminent lawyer and independence stalwart, donated his opulent Allahabad mansion, Anand Bhawan, in the 1920s to serve as the Indian National Congress’s headquarters during the freedom struggle. Renamed Swaraj Bhawan after its 1930 formal handover, it became a nerve center for revolutionaries, symbolizing the family’s pivot from personal opulence to public cause. Jawaharlal, inheriting this ethos, formalized the donation in 1931, ensuring the adjacent Anand Bhawan—his childhood home—also transitioned into a museum preserving the independence narrative.
Post-independence, Nehru’s generosity scaled to unprecedented heights. In 1957, he donated nearly 98% of his personal assets—valued at Rs 196 crores (equivalent to over Rs 12,000 crores today)—to the nation, funding welfare initiatives for his staff and broader public causes. Upon his death in 1964, his official residence, Teen Murti Bhavan, was bequeathed by the family to become the Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, a repository of democratic ideals and artifacts from global leaders. These acts weren’t performative; they embodied Nehru’s belief that true leadership demands self-effacement. In contrast to Modi’s portrayal of Nehru as self-serving, these donations underscore a dynasty defined by devotion to India, not dynasty-building.
Revolutionizing Education
Nehru’s mantra—”the future belongs to the mind”—translated into an audacious investment in human capital. At independence, India’s literacy hovered at 18%, with higher education a colonial relic. Nehru countered this by birthing premier institutions that democratized excellence.
The Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) stand as his crowning jewels. The inaugural IIT Kharagpur launched in 1951, emulating MIT’s rigor, followed by IITs in Bombay (1958), Madras (1959), and Kanpur (1959). These weren’t elite enclaves but “Institutes of National Importance,” churning out engineers who fueled India’s tech boom. Similarly, the All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) in Delhi (1956) elevated healthcare from rudimentary to world-class, training physicians who halved infant mortality rates by 1964. The Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs) in Calcutta and Ahmedabad (both 1961) injected managerial acumen into a nascent economy.
These weren’t abstract experiments; literacy surged, medical colleges quadrupled from 28 to over 100, and life expectancy climbed from 32 to 42 years. Modi’s jabs at Nehru’s “socialist failures” conveniently overlook how these institutions birthed India’s $250 billion IT sector and global medical diaspora. Tragically, while IITs and AIIMS remain public bastions, the broader erosion of public education funding under Modi—coupled with privatization pushes—threatens their accessibility.
Industrial Backbone: PSUs and the March Toward Self-Reliance
Nehru’s “mixed economy” was no ideological whim but a pragmatic bulwark against exploitation. With steel production at zero and imports crippling the exchequer, he championed state-led industrialization via Public Sector Undertakings (PSUs). Over 17 years, Nehru established 33 PSUs, the foundational cadre of India’s industrial might. The Bhilai Steel Plant (1955, Soviet-aided), Rourkela (1959, German-aided), and Durgapur (1960) tripled steel output to over a million tons annually, employing lakhs and slashing import dependence. Ancillaries like the National Coal Development Corporation (1956) and precursors to the National Thermal Power Corporation powered this surge. The Five-Year Plans—agriculture-focused in the first (1951-56), heavy industry in the second (1956-61)—orchestrated this symphony, averting famines and igniting growth.
Modi’s narrative derides this as “license raj” breeding inefficiency, yet it ignores how PSUs like these enabled India’s 7% GDP growth trajectory. The irony peaks in Modi’s privatisation zeal: His government, uniquely among PMs, created zero new PSUs while divesting 23 existing ones, many profit-makers tracing to Nehru’s era. Air India (nationalized 1953) was sold to Tata in 2021 for ₹18,000 crore; Hindustan Prefab Ltd. (1948) faces closure via disinvestment; others like Bharat Pumps (roots in 1950s) languish in the 2020 hammer list. This isn’t reform; it’s dismantling the self-reliance Nehru forged, handing strategic assets to cronies amid crony capitalism critiques. While Modi touts “Atmanirbhar Bharat,” the privatization of Nehru’s PSUs—without commensurate job safeguards—exacerbates inequality, contradicting the inclusive growth Nehru envisioned.
Scientific Temper: Seeds of Innovation
Nehru, who called science the “modern prophet,” embedded R&D in India’s DNA. The Atomic Energy Commission (1948) birthed the Apsara reactor (1956), laying nuclear foundations. The Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) burgeoned, fostering breakthroughs in physics and chemistry. Embryonic steps toward ISRO ensured space ambitions weren’t deferred dreams.
These investments yielded dividends: From famine-prone to food-secure, Nehru’s era set the Green Revolution’s stage. Modi’s accusations of Nehru’s “anti-Hindu” secularism falter here—Nehru’s rationalism united a diverse nation, countering the communal fissures Modi now exploits for electoral gain.
From Fields to Factories: Agriculture, Infrastructure, and Social Equity
The Bhakra Nangal Dam (1963) irrigated millions, boosting yields and rural livelihoods. Land reforms dismantled zamindari, while Hindu Code Bills (1955-56) empowered women with inheritance and divorce rights—progressive leaps Modi-era policies have stalled.
Health metrics soared: Immunization drives and hospital expansions curbed mortality. Nehru’s Non-Aligned Movement (co-founded 1961) burnished India’s global voice, navigating Cold War minefields with dignity.
Nehru’s Unity in Diversity
Modi’s Vande Mataram diatribe—claiming Nehru “tukde-tukde” the song to placate Muslims—distorts history. Nehru’s 1937 letter to Bose sought harmony, not capitulation; he upheld the song’s “harmless” lyrics while rejecting idolatrous interpretations, preserving unity amid Partition’s shadows. Blaming Nehru for Kashmir or Partition ignores British machinations and Jinnah’s intransigence—Nehru’s restraint averted bloodier schisms.
Economic barbs fare worse: Nehru’s socialism industrialized a pauperized economy; Modi’s liberalization builds atop it, yet erodes its egalitarian core via PSU sell-offs.
Nehru didn’t promise utopia; he delivered foundations—from IITs powering unicorns to PSUs (now half-dismantled under Modi) steeling resolve. His family’s donations remind us: Nation-building demands sacrifice, not scapegoating. As India hurtles toward superpower status, let’s honour Nehru not with hagiography, but by safeguarding his vision against politicized erasure. In Teen Murti’s quiet halls, his words echo: “The light that shone in this country was no ordinary light.” It’s time to reignite it.
